“This is not a pipe”



On Thursday, October 22, the leader of the official opposition personally submitted a motion of censure to the Parliament against the Minister of Finance, Chr. Staikoura for a… bankruptcy bill. Staikouras, who was present, probably would not believe his eyes and ears. And not only Staikouras. The next day, the “Journal of the Editors” had the news in a single column at the bottom of the front page. In a country with a deep economic recession, a second wave of coronavirus, a Golden Dawn trial and sharpened Greek-Turkish, an extreme application of the “paranoid-critical method” is needed to reach a motion of censure against a rather indistinguishable minister and a bill that no one understands. I have no doubt that the motion of censure obeys some political reasoning. It is understandable that the opposition (and Al. Tsipras personally) is trying to attempt some form of intervention in the foreground. Even for reasons of partisanship at a time when opinion polls are becoming increasingly black. It also makes sense to choose to shift the controversy to a social sphere, hoping that at least there government dominance will prove less suffocating. But the reasoning is canceled by the choice. What complaints will SYRIZA make to the ESR tomorrow about the electronic media? That they did not give due importance to a political initiative, which (I suppose) even his most fanatical friends find difficult to describe? The contradiction is that “this way Tsipras will at least bring Mitsotakis to Parliament”. E, and? On the one hand he had dozens of other ways and reasons to do it – anyway Mitsotakis is everywhere and interferes with everything… On the other hand I did not see anything happen to Mitsotakis every time he faces Tsipras in Parliament. The opposite… Bad lies, then, the problem of the opposition is not Mitsotakis. It is the opposition. Without a clear line of navigation and a structured strategy, with a regression of conflicting views, it is shaken between the memories of a “glorious governmental past” and political outbursts that are not justified by a party with a “glorious governmental past”. , lack of impact tends to become endemic. Of course not because of the “Petsa list” or the entanglement or government enforcement in the field of information. But because the opposition itself “does not sell”. And he “does not sell” because he is not interested. All together the press that supports SYRIZA (“Avgi”, “Efimerida ton Syntakton”, “Kontra”, “Epochi”, “Documento” etc.) has cumulatively and by force 20% of the circulation of “NEON” and “Vimatos”. I do not believe that Petsas buys readers. From there and beyond, of course, it rains excuses. The “centers”, the “systems”, the “interests”; more and more reminiscent of Magritte’s painting showing a pipe and entitled “This is not a pipe”. What is; I guess Staikouras and the bankruptcy bill! Unconscious In the end, neither the tourism, nor the tourists, nor the schools, nor the number of students in the classes, nor the shortcomings of the NSS were to blame for the second wave of the coronavirus. It was the fault of the thousands of unconscious people who were crowded in squares, sidewalks, parties, demonstrations, squatting, weddings, bouzouki, churches, rallies… There was a climate of social disorder, as if some people felt guilty that it was open so we happily returned to social rebellion and individual irresponsibility, disproving those who thought the pandemic had corrected the unconscious. He did not correct them. As is well known, first the human soul comes out and then its hui. The end of an abortion The creation of a new Financial Crime Prosecutor’s Office, included in the Athens Court of Appeals, which the government brought to Parliament abolishes an abortion. The double-edged sword of the autonomous Financial Crime Prosecutor’s Office and the also autonomous Corruption Prosecutor’s Office, which evolved not into prosecutors of crime and corruption, but into “long arms” of a persecuting political and social justice. This abortion was not even a Greek arrest. It was imposed in the years 2010-2013 by the troika with the incredibly stupid theory that bankrupt Greece has a problem not of economy or competition, but of social ethics. In the discussion that had taken place then at the Council of Ministers of G. Papandreou, Ev. Venizelos was the first to point out the danger. He had said that this scheme takes the citizen away from the natural judge and makes him the victim of a “not independent but uncontrollable prosecutor”. He saw it correctly. But he did not prevent it. Greece then lived with the blame of the corrupt country, which was maintained by the troika, and part of the business class, and the “anti-systemic” Left or Right. And Thomsen, and Tsipras, and Kammenos. Plus the most complex or psychopathic elements of Greek journalism. The abortion cost Greek society. The Corruption Prosecutor’s Office did not do much for corruption, but persecuted the political opponents of the previous government with the Papagelopoulos system. Now the two Prosecution Offices are essentially merged into one and the new Prosecution Office will normally fall under the judicial administrative hierarchy. The independent is secured. And the uncontrollable is abolished. Reasonable. In addition to its political failure, this system also failed on the judicial side. He suffered many. But few were prosecuted and most were acquitted or have not yet been tried. So either there was not as much corruption as they said. Either they could not find it. Whatever it is, they failed. Let the next ones pass. Follow it on Google News and be the first to know all the news See all the latest News from Greece and the World, at



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