The pan-European doomsday Technologybud

The only message that could emerge from this process was, in the final analysis, that these crimes are justified and forgivable when committed by a government under certain conditions, but are unjustified and unforgivable and should be punished by the death penalty when “George Kennan” decision of the Greek court) and was characterized by extreme impropriety: journalists are accustomed to something like this when they are in a hurry to get our attention. As several commentators have noted, both inside and outside Greece, it would be more appropriate to compare the Golden Dawn trial with the National Socialist Underground (NSU) trial, a German criminal organization that had much in common with the Greek one, as well as two Significant differences: the background of Nazi ideology as the instigator of criminal activity, the strictly paramilitary organization and the almost equal (five-year) trial of both; however, the NSU had a richer murderous harvest – it was never charged with run in national or European elections, let alone one day receive a reward from 10% of German voters. The latter was our peculiarity (after the assassination of Pavlos Fyssas, please, in the European elections of 2014) and let us not forget to offer our warm congratulations to our electorate. We can identify unexpected shocking similarities and similar moral dilemmas (of course, of course, of proportions). The Nuremberg International Military Tribunal (October 1945 to October 1946) created a in order to try in the future all the criminal organizations that would emerge from the womb of the German Nazi Party (NSDAP), but would also put on the table those “puzzles” – not exclusively procedural – that Nuremberg was called upon to solve, without always succeeding. : he bypassed some “puzzles”, ignored others and gave an arbitrary answer to others which would hardly be accepted by any modern court, which is fundamentally objective. But we must not forget: Nuremberg came to heal a “trauma” unprecedented in history – no longer rivers, but oceans of blood – and transform it into a “miracle”; the pan-European “miracle” handed down to us by the first and second post-war generation. Many have attempted to describe this monumental mutation – and among them stands out the Anglo-American historian Tony Judd (1948-2010). In the beastly dimensions – over 900 condensed pages – study of “Europe after the War”, which he began writing immediately after the fall of the Berlin Wall (1989) and completed it sixteen years later (in Greece we were expecting another seven; released in 2012 by Alexandria), Jade exhaustively and kaleidoscopically examines the transition from “trauma” to “miracle”, without obscuring its gloomy aspects, as well as the level of price – both financial and human – to be paid. Especially in Nuremberg and the other trials of the “winners over the losers”, including the “people’s courts” and the even more concise proceedings, Jade devotes the multi-page second chapter, under the laconic title “The Punishment”. Here we will stand today. First of all, where do the “winners” get the right to judge the “losers”? The question sounds naive, but the answer is crude and timeless: they draw it from their own victory. There is no doubt that, if Churchill, Roosevelt or Stalin were sitting in the dock, the civil suit would not have suffered from silence; again, “crimes against humanity” would be heard, “massacres of civilians” coke. The saying of the American diplomat and historian George Kenan that we propose at the beginning is based on this “logic”; “woe to the losers”, as Brennos would say in Julius Caesar. , which identifies itself as the “sower of the losers of ’45”, arguing that it is a trial of political expediency – that is, a misdemeanor – and legitimizes its request for annulment? Tony Judd does not let the corresponding mental acrobatics go unnoticed. “It is therefore difficult to know,” he writes, “how much the Nazi trials contributed to the political and moral re-education of Germany and the Germans. Some, of course, resented the “winners’ justice” – and that was indeed the case. “However, they were real criminal trials for proven criminal acts and were doomed to be vital to international case law for decades to come.” In other words; Nuremberg may not set off Auschwitz with Hiroshima – it may not even deal with Hiroshima – but that does not exonerate the perpetrators of Auschwitz. as well as the consequences of their electoral behavior: the gold diggers (at their zenith) reached five hundred thousand, the Nazis tens of millions. Obviously, not everyone bears the same responsibility (Austria, in fact – Jade informs us – had by law distinguished the criminal treatment of “more” than “less” Nazis). Where will these (black) souls go? Which party will punish them, release them, welcome them, integrate them, assimilate them – and by what methods? In the revealing hilarious-tragic examples cited by Tony Jade, the case of East Germany is marked by its ideological truffling. that you can blackmail him for life with his own “skeleton in the closet”. He also realizes that East German communists – “and their arrival by train,” jokes Jade, “who carried the luggage of the Red Army,” suffer from a lack of popularity; therefore, it pours into the veins of the state machine tens of thousands. former Nazis, servile, efficient and secretive. All done well. Follow it on Google News and be the first to know all the news See all the latest News from Greece and the World, at

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